The Commission on Justice in Wales, chaired by Lord Thomas of Cwmgiedd, will further clarify the legal and political identity of Wales within the UK constitution. Doing so, explains Prof Dan Wincott, will also bring clarity to the enduring significance of other territorial legal jurisdictions.
- promoting better outcomes in terms of access to justice, reducing crime and promoting rehabilitation;
- ensuring that the jurisdictional arrangements and legal education address and reflect the role of justice in the governance and prosperity of Wales as well as distinct issues that arise in Wales;
- promoting strength and sustainability of the Welsh legal sectors and maximizing its prosperity in Wales.
The Welsh devolution dispensation – comparatively limited (although increasing capacious) within a single territorial legal jurisdiction of England and Wales – is not widely understood, especially outside Wales. The UK’s legal geopolitics deepen the complexity of its plurinational territorial structure. Scotland and Northern Ireland have always had their own, separate, legal systems within the UK. Scots Law underpinned the emergence of an extensive, distinct Scottish territorial system from the late 19th century, as the modern system of public administration developed. At its creation Northern Ireland’s legal jurisdiction was matched by the separate elected political and administrative system of Stormont.
The law of England and Wales seems to function seamlessly in England, without much attention to Wales. But the implications for Wales of the ‘shared’ single jurisdiction are poorly understood. Even without a jurisdiction, the UK State has been able to accommodate the religious, linguistic and cultural realities of Wales to some extent. Due to the single jurisdiction, though, Wales never developed a distinct modern national legal infrastructure. Moreover, it restricted the development of distinct administrative structures for Wales, before constraining the constitutional structure of Welsh devolution.
Wales in the territorial constitution
Wales has experienced twenty years of constitutional tinkering, distracting devolved political attention from substantive policy development. From 1998 to 2017 Westminster enacted two Government of Wales Acts (GOWA 1998
) and two Wales Acts (2014
), as well as withdrawing the 2015 Draft Wales Bill
. Over the same period multiple devolution investigations were undertaken: the Richard Commission
(2002-2004), a UK government White Paper Better Governance for Wales
(2005), the All Wales Convention
(2008-2009), which resulted in a second referendum (2011), where full primary legislative powers for the Assembly were endorsed by 63 to 36%, the Holtham Commission on Funding and Finance for Wales
(2008-2010) and the Silk Commission on Devolution in Wales
(2011-2014). As a consequence, Wales has moved from a local government style conferred powers model making secondary legislation and funded through a block grant, to a reserved powers, full legislative model with significant authority to raise taxes. (See the Welsh Government’s account for Thomas here
The jagged edge of devolution in Wales
In contrast to Scotland and Northern Ireland, important policy fields such as criminal justice and prisons have been reserved from Wales on the basis of the ‘England and Wales’ territorial legal jurisdiction. These reservations have created a jagged edge around devolved Welsh policy space. A series of devolved policy areas including education, health, social care and young people intersect and overlap with policing, prisons and justice provision, which is retained for England and Wales in Westminster and Whitehall. For example, prisons policy is managed on an England and Wales basis. Basic evidence on prisoners from, and the prison population in, Wales is not routinely available. Major new developments in the prison estate – notably the 2017 opening of the ‘superprison’ HMP Berwyn at Wrexham – are designed to meet UK government defined needs for England and Wales. Berwyn opened in 2017, since when the population of English prisoners in Wales has more than doubled. At the end of March 2018 more than a quarter of all prisoners in Wales were from England.
has pieced together publicly available data and evidence gathered from FOI requests to the Ministry of Justice. He paints a stark picture of Welsh prisoners spread across the England and Wales estate (40% of male Welsh prisoners held in England and no women’s prison in Wales) – the long travel distances involved have a detrimental impact, including on recidivism. Other hidden problems in Wales relate to homelessness
, drugs and alcohol. Justice policy is intimately intertwined with wider social policy: within the existing jurisdiction, making reserved and devolved Welsh policies and objectives dovetail appears almost impossible.
The Welsh Government and Welsh Law
In 2005, Peter Hain and Rhodri Morgan, then Secretary of State and First Minister, issued a joint statement: ‘Wales … forms part of a single unified England and Wales jurisdiction with a common courts system, judges who can act throughout the two countries and lawyers who are educated and who practice in a way which does not distinguished between England and Wales. There is no intention to change this.’
Even GOWA 2006’s initial arcane system of primary legislation opened the way to fundamental divergence of the laws
that apply in Wales from those in England. Subsequent moves widened the scope and deepened the symbolic significance of National Assembly primary legislation. After the 2011 referendum, the Assembly could legislate immediately in all devolved areas, through Welsh Acts (which require Royal Assent). The Wales Act (2017) named Welsh Law as such. Its evidence to the Thomas Commission shows how far the Welsh Government’s position
The neglect of Wales in research on devolution weakens our general understanding of the UK’s territorial constitution. On-going difficulties of delineating Wales as a legal and political space are revealing about the conventional territorial operating codes of the UK State. Comparison with Wales – a polity without a clearly defined legal system – can improve our understanding of Scotland and Northern Ireland, including the enduring significance of their territorial legal jurisdictions. Anyone interested in the UK’s territorial constitution should pay close attention when the Thomas Commission reports.
Daniel Wincott is Blackwell Professor of Law and Society at Cardiff University and ESRC Leadership Fellow for Governance and Brexit Research (ES/R007500/1). The work on which this blog is based is supported by the ESRC ‘Between two Unions’ Project (ES/P009441/1) led by the Centre on Constitutional Change at the University of Edinburgh.